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"1 



VALEDICTORY DISCOURSE, 



DELIVERED 



BEFORE THE CIJVCLYJ^JTI OT CONNECTICUT. 



In HARTFORD, yULT 4th, 1804 



AT THE 



DISSOLUTION OF THE SOCIETY. 



£r n^ HUMPHRE YS, 

LATE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNlfED SfAfES 
OF AMERICA^ AT THE COURT OF MADRID. 



PUBLISHED AT THE REQUEST OF THE SOCIETY, 




BOSTON, 



Lh 



PRINTED BY GILBERT AND DEAN, No, 78, State-Street. 

1804. 



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N 

t4 



%yL C/ai&dlctoru ^Idccur^^Oy ^c. 



«Kt;K:!K::;;;}!i»(®i'j^^l®<iRir,sa!!K3i 



Mr Friend's and FELLOwCirizENs I 

ON this auspicious return of a day, so just- 
ly dear for iaaving been distinguished by the 
declaration of Independence, it was a first duty 
to ofier our most humble and hearty thanks to 
the Supreme Governor of the Universe, for this 
renewed instance of his goodness, and for all the 
inestimable favours which he hath vouchsafed to 
bestow upon us. That sacred duty performed. 
It is not -unbprommg the character of men, who 
duly prize the blessings ot civil liuclety, under 
the safeguard of a good government, to inter- 
change their congratulations on so happy an oc- 
casion. From the Cincinnati the pleasing oiEce 
has devolved on me, to felicitate this numerous 
and respectable assembly. May your happiness 
be completed by the attainment of the objects of 
your reasonable wishes ! and may you assist in 
the celebration of many of these festivals, under 
such delightful circumstances, as will furnish en- 
creasing motives for joy and gratitude ! Before 
I proceed to make some general observations, on 
the best means of perpetuating the blessings of 
that Independence which we are convened to eel- 



C 4 ], 

ebrate, permit me to perform the more appropri- 
ate business of the day, as it relates to the Soci- 
ety, on whose behalf I have the honour to ad- 
dress you. 

My Friends of rnE Cincinnati I 

You will naturally expect, that the Com- 
mittee, appointed at your last annual Meeting, to 
apply to the Legislature for an Act of Incorpo- 
ration for securing the benefits of the pecuni- 
ary part of your institution, should make a re- 
port of their proceedings. The Memorial, which 
has been printed, will render it unnecessary to enter 
into any detail, of the specific mode in which the 
subject was presented. Two of your committee 
now present (for one gentleman named on it, 
was then, as he is now, absent in a dlscant part 
of the Union) having been admitted at the bar 
of both houses, to sustain the prayer of the peti- 
tim by such oral explanations and arguments as 
they might think proper to adduce, endeavoured, 
by all the fair representations in their power, 
to demonstrate the reasonableness and expedien- 
cy of a compliance with it. In the House of Re- 
presentatives the subject received the most dis- 
passionate and liber iiJWiscussion ; and leave was 
given by a very great majority to bring in a bill 
in form, according to the prayer of the Memo- 
rial. But unfortunately in the other house, w^here 
the manner in which the question was discussed, 
and the reasons which induced the decision, can- 



C 5 3 

not be so ^distinctly known, it was negatived. Wc 
think it but just to add, that this was done upon 
mature deliberation; and after that Honorable Bo- 
dy had beenassuredjthattheirrefusalto grant such 
protection to the fund of this society, as they were 
in the habit of granting to those of all other as- 
sociations of citizens indiscriminately, must op- 
erate as its death-warrant. Vf e have no ground 
for flattering ourselves with a hope that any oth- 
er application would be more successful. What 
hope can we entertain of removing jealousy from 
the few minds, where, as in a congenial soil, it 
has been taking root for twenty years, while 
from all others it has been eradicated ? That 
jealousy was the principal cause, why the majori- 
ty in that house refused to concur in affording 
protection to tKc cKarltaKle part of your institu- 
tion, cannot be doubted, and ought not to be con- 
cealed. For we will not pay so bad a compli- 
ment to their understandings, as to believe, what- 
ever may have been pretended, they could have 
supposed, it was possible that your fund should 
be preserved much longer, for its original desti- 
nation, without being protected by a legislative 
act. They must, then, have judged the evil to 
be apprehended from the Society's continuance 
would overbalance the good to be expected from 
the preservation of so considerable a fund, des- 
tined for so beneficent a purpose. It would have 

* Notwithstanding' the debates in this house are with closed daois^ 
the principal reasons which were oiFered on thi^ question have trans- 
pired. 



been more frank and manly to have avowed the 
real inducements by which they were actuated^ 
But, whatever they were, in the judgment of 
your Committee, it will be in vain to attempt to 
resist . them any farther. The small majority in 
the upper house, had unquestionably a right to 
do what they have done. To acquiesce is our 
obligation. 

When interrogated verbally in the House of 
Representatives, concerning the motion made at 
our last annual meeting for the dissolution of the 
Society ; I answered, that I had been opposed to 
the measure then as premature — ^but that, if we 
should not succeed in our application for obtain- 
ing the legislative interference which we had so- 
licited, I would give my suflGragp. for its annihila- 
tion, whenever the question should be again pro- 
posed. Such is my unalterable resolution. I can- 
not refrain from expressing a wish, that the fund 
may be so converted into annuities, by calcula- 
tion on tontine principles, as to supply a com- 
fortable maintainance for life, to those who have 
heretofore received a yearly allowance. Little 
pecuniary aid will now be required for the wi- 
dows, since their children are now no longer a 
charge to them. Nothing farther is necessary for 
the orphans — they have arrived at manhood, and 
are capable of taking care of themselves. But a 
cheerful and decent competence should attend 
the closing days of every debilitated veteran, who 



• C 7 1 

nright otherwise have been left to the un- 
feeling neglect of a thankless world. At least, 
any small share shall never be withdrawn, for any- 
other purpose. And, in case of our doing any 
thing definitive, a committee ought doubtless to 
be raised to ascertain the amount belonging to 
every grade of officer^ and to devise such arrange- 
ments as may be deemed expedient for disposing 
of it. 

Ere I pass from this part of my discourse to 
other topics, I cannot but arrest my thought on 
the short periods for which these annuities will be 
wanted. I cannot but stop to reflect, if life be yet 
strong within us, how much the most robust are 
changed, since we served in the war, which end- 
ed by the acknowledguiciit of uur Independence. 
After I had been fourteen years out of my coun- 
try, on returning to it, well might we reciprocal- 
ly perceive an alteration of features. Perhaps 
not a former particle of these changeable bodies 
remains. In what then can we recognize our 
identity ? Consciousness still survives, while 
many of our companions, once healthful in ap- 
pearance, and gay in deportment, have ceased 
from recollection in the forgetfulness of the 
grave. Of those who were most advanced in 
years, when they joined the army, few are now 
living. Where are your Generals, and do the 
Patriots of the Revolution live forever ? Where 
is WASHINGTON, whom ye all had the satisfac- 



C 8 3 • 

tion of knowing — ^whom ye all loved, and vene- 
rated ? Are not his ashes at Mount Vernon, and 
his fame extended over the habitable globe? 
Whatever difference in political opinions may 
have occasioned men to form different estimates 
of the characters of others, on his, all seemed to 
be uniform. I will not recal the profound af- 
fliction which you felt in common with your 
countrymen, when you first knew your friendy 
youY fatljery W2iS no more. 

It must, however, be confessed, the apparent 
warmth of the government at the time of his 
death, to do honour to his memory, has since 
been strangely cooled. His glory is not dimin- 
ished by his yet wanting the Statue, long since 
voted, and the Mausoleum more recently proposed 
in Congress. But is the number of republics, 
which have been guilty of the basest ingratitude 
to their best benefactors, still to be augmented ? 
The cold disquisitions, bandied about in the Na- 
tional Legislature, on the quantity of marble, ne- 
cessary to support and extend his reputation ; 
and on the quantity of Dollars which the public 
Economies would allow to be taken for the 
purpose from the treasury, then overflowing, 
will be consigned to the faithful tablet of histo- 
ry. And fortunate will it be for those, who have 
refused or neglected to pay the tributary hon- 
ours due to a Washington, if their names can 
escape execration, by being lost in oblivion. 



* t 9 1 

It is not improper to pay a passing tribute 
of respect to the memories of other officers who 
have departed this life, since any annual oration 
has been delivered before your Society. I recol- 
lect to have se^n on the obituary lists an account 
of the death of a Captain Butler, who behaved 
with the greatest gaUantry in St. Clair's defeat, 
where his brother, the General, was slain ; and 
where he saved another brother from the Sava- 
ges : — Of Hamtramck, a bold volunteer, born in 
Canada, who devoted himself to the American 
cause through our Revolution ; and since the 
peace, commanded a regiment on our regular 
establishment: — Of Strong, a respectable mem- 
ber of your Society, who likewise died in the 
command of a regiment at one of the western 
posts : — Of Walton White, a Lieutenant 
Colonel of Cavalry, who served with considera- 
ble credit in the Southern Campaigns : — Of the 
veteran Bauman, a German by birth, and a val- 
uable officer of artillery : — Of the brave Hand, 
a native of Ireland, bred in the British service, 
who was an excellent Tactician, and Adjutant 
General of our army at the close of the war :— 
And of the meritorious Morgan, a man illustri- 
ous for much vigour and perspicuity of mind, in 
a remarkably tall and well-proportioned body, 
who led a rifle company, through the desert to 
Quebec, at the commencement of hostilities ; who 
was singularly useful in the Campaign of 1777, 
B 



[ 1.0 3 

in the capture of the British army at Saratoga '; 
and who v/as honoured with a gold medal by 
Congress, for his distinguished conduct in defeat- 
ing, with an inferior force, a select Corps of the 
enemy at the Cowpens. But who is there so 
young, as not to have heard the name and achiev* 
ments of the gallant Morgan ? 

And shall we not commemorate with becom- 
ing distinction, the heroic death of the Rev. Dr. 
Hitchcock, Chaplain of the Rhode Island Brig- 
ade ? He waited the approach of the king 
of terrors with truly christian fortitude ; for 
he was strong in the faith of the religion 
which he professed. You remember him well, 
since the brigade to v/hich he belonged, was 
often encamped in the line with yours. A few 
weeks before he breathed his last, I saw him 
pale and emaciated. Raising himself on his 
bed, he said — " I have but little time to live — I 
hope I am prepared to die-r— I sent for you to see 
you once more — to bid you farewell. We have 
pas: ed many pleasant hours together — may we 
meet in a better world ! and may Heaven bless, 
with its choicest benedictions, my friends and my 
Country !" — Utterance failed — But I seem still 
to feel the feeble grasp of the hand, that preluded 
the long silence which was to ensue. 

Within the narrow circle of months measur- 
ed by three or four waxing and -waning moons— » 
within the very view of this church, we have yet 



C " 1 

to mourn the loss of another, and, to mc, more 
intimate friend. Behold, from hence, the man- 
sion, the hospitable mansion, where Wads- 
WORTH lived! He was once the President of your 
Society. He was always the protector and the 
guardian of the widow, the fatherless, and the 
distressed. It is the least part of his eulogium to 
say, that he filled many of the most important 
^places of public life, with the highest applause. 
A Washington knew how to appreciate his 
worth. No man in this country, 1 am justified 
in asserting, was ever better acquainted with its 
resources, or the best mode of drawing them 
forth for the pubUc use. His talents for and dis- 
patch of business, were unrivalled. His services, 
at some periods of the war, incalculable — ^but he 
injured his constitution extremely, by his extra- 
ordinary exertions. In effect, by his patriotic ex- 
jertions, he sacrificed his health, and brought on 
an early old age. I have known few men pos- 
sessed of a more original genius — none of a kind- 
er disposition, or more incorruptible integrity. 
His usefulness did not terminate with his milita- 
ry career. As a farmer, it is presumed, no per- 
son in New-England ever contributed more to- 
wards improving the breed • of horses and other 
kinds of useful animals. To him the farmers con- 
tiguous to Connecticut River, are under great ob- 
ligations, for the introduction of the Plaister of 

* See Note faj 



C 12 ] 

Paris as a manure, as well as for several other 
improvements in rural economy. With the 
advantages of only a grammar-school educa- 
tion, his conceptions were so clear, his ideas 
so correct, and his explications so luminous, 
that he might justly be praised as one of our 
most enlightened and influential statesmen, re- 
plete with practical knowledge. In his social 
and domestic relations, as a friend, a husband, a 
brother, a parent, he transcended all praise. Long 
will his name be held in grateful remembrance 
by the inhabitants of this city. But no more will 
he be seen at their civic feasts, in the grove which 
he planted for them ; and * where the festive 
board will this day be spread for many w^ho now 
hear me. Yet there, perchance, when in times 
to come, they shall speak of him to their chil" 
dren, they will say — " a good man is gone from 
amongst us." — We, his brothers of the Cincinna- 
ti, when a few more years shall have mingled 
v/ith the past, must follow. Then, while we, 
one by one, quit the scene to new actors, who 
will remain to weep for the last /f of us ? 

But let us avert our eyes from a perspective, 
which is perhaps surrounded with too many sor- 
rowful images not to interrupt the pleasures of 
the day ; and let us see what Httle good we can 
yet do to our country by our examples. Fifteen 

* In this grove numerous companies liav'e dined on tbid anniversary', 
fur ztvcrsi] years past. 



C '3 D 

years ago, on the 4th of July, I descanted at large, 
before this Society, on the political situation of 
the country. You will doubtless have it in re- 
membrance, that this was immediately after the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution. The pre- 
diction of the national happiness, in reserve for 
us, has been more speedily verified, than I my- 
self had expected. The time will not allow me 
to enquire how much of this happiness is to be 
ascribed to that form of government, and how 
much to the different administrations — how so 
great good was acquired, and how it is in dan- 
ger of being lost. In free governments there is 
always a struggle for power. But whosoever 
may be in or out of the exercise of power, I am 
confident, the Republic cannot long continue 
flourishing and independent, unlessMoDERATiON, 
Industry, Justice and Valour be the charac- 
teristics of the citizens. 

In some of your anniversary addresses, such 
elaborate dissertations have been made on the in- 
stitutions and habits of this State, that I shall con- 
tent myself with recommending what, from the 
sense in which I wish them here to be under- 
stood, I shall style the Civil Virtues — Modera- 
tion, Industry, Justice and Valour. With- 
out these a state cannot prosper and be in safety, 
however well contrived and balanced its constP^'''^ 
^ution — however sagaciously its laws may be fra- 
med, or however ably executed. After treating 



I 14 3 

of these general heads, I shall take notice of two 
particular events, which have lately happened to 
our nation. As this is the last time I shall ever 
address you in public, I will not suffer so favour- 
able an opportunity to pass, without bearing tes- 
tin\ony, in the most unequivocal terms, against 
every species of Tyranny. And I shall then con- 
clude my discourse, by bidding a final adieu to 
the Society. 

The observation, that, in this embryo stage 
of existence, every thing is marked with the 
stamp of imperfection, is not the less pertinent on 
this occasion, and ought not to be the less pro- 
ductive of mutual indulgence for our infirmities, 
for having been often repeated. How confined 
are the limits of the human understanding! how 
defective or inaccurate the knowledge, which 
the greatest proficients can boast ! the Slaves of 
passion, the Dupes of prejudice, and not uncom- 
monly the Victims of appetite, to what miscon- 
ceptions, errors and crimes are we not constant- 
ly exposed ! Who amongst us has not experi- 
enced that the same objects have appeared to 
him, at one moment, entirely different from 
what they did at another ? And how should it 
be otherwise, when those objects are so liable to 
be coloured by the jaundice in our own eyes, to 
be magnified or diminished by the fault of thp 
medium of vision, or distorted by the obliqu% 
direction f);om whence, they are viewed ? Yet, 



C 15 3 

Without making any allowance for human imbe- 
cility, how prone are we to consider all, not only 
Erroneous but criminal, who do not coincide with 
us in sentiment ? Even we of the Cincinnati, 
who have passed together the morning of life, 
when the heart is peculiarly susceptible of the 
tender and lasting impressions of friendship, 
and who belong to the same amiable and benev- 
olent fraternity, whenever we differ in politics, 
can scarcely behold each other without aversion 
and malevolence. 

Ought these things to be so ? Or ought not 
a temper of moderation, to dictate a conciliatory 
conduct ? Did we not,, as a band of brothers, 
combat for American Liberty ? Have we not a 
common country ? Are not our interests essen- 
tially the same ? Who then can see, without pain, 
the prevalence of dissentions, animosities and ha- 
treds ? Who but must lament, that misrepre- 
sentation anddetraction, for party purposes, have 
become almost systematic ? It is sometimes objec- 
ted, as an assumed fact unfavourable to our U- 
nion, that we have no national character and na- 
tional manners, to give stability to principle and 
attachment to country. However specious this 
objection may be, as applied elsewhere, let it 
be remembered, few districts with equal popula- 
tion, in any part of the world, are more homo- 
geneous in these respects than New-England. 
The inhabitants are mostly descended from an 



[16 3 

unmixed origin. The distinguishing features of 
their religion are the same — and their institutions, 
laws and manners, remarkable for similarity. Here 
are the bones of our ancestors — and here the for- 
tunes of our future generations. And well m^ay 
we delight to turn our first regards on that indus- 
try, which has been the scource of a great por- 
tion of our New-England prosperity. 

Employment of time, in some honest cal- 
ling, is productive of better riches, than mines of 
silver and gold. No nation was ever more in- 
debted to industry for its progress in improve- 
ments than theUnited States; and perhaps no part 
of them, more than Connecticut. This can nev- 
er be too frequently mentioned, or too much 
commended. National felicity commonly en- 
creases or diminishes, with the encrease or di- 
minution of national industry. How much 
wiser is it to prevent wretchedness and mendici- 
ty, by enabling and inducing all persons in the 
community to gain a livelihood by labour, than 
neglecting this, (as happens in some countries of 
Europe) to be obliged afterwards, to ma ke expen- 
sive establishments, by taxes and hospitals, for 
paupers and beggars ? Protected industry can- 
not frequently enough be held forth to the pub- 
lic view, as the cause of the wealth of nations. 
Wealth thus procured, I shall presently attempt 
to show, is less likely to be followed by corrup- 
tion of morals and prostration of energies, than. 



C '7 ] 

when suddenly accumulated, without exertion 
and without frugality. Nay, moral character is 
often favorably influenced by it. Good or 
bad habits are somewhat in proportion to activ- 
ity and slothfulness. The former is a living and 
salutary stream — the latter a dead and pestilen- 
tial lake. By the first, men's tastes are fitted to 
relish innocent and elegant enjoyments ; by the 
last, gross sensuality. Industry and Virtue — In- 
dolence and Vice — are nearly convertible terms. 
The republican character is, more than others, af- 
fected by industry or indolence. It would be a 
solecism to assert, that industrious citizens could 
form vicious, or indolent citizens, virtuous Re- 
publics. Enervating idleness, attended by an in- 
ordinate love of pleasure, seems incompatible with 
every masculine and heroic quality. Nor can 
a nation of Sybarites, under any form of gov- 
ernment, defend themselves effectually against 
any powerful invader. It is not fickle fortune, 
but calculated effort, that makes and keeps men 
free and happy. When they become habitually 
sluggish, immoral, ignorant or indifferent to 
their interests, they are far advanced towards the 
brink of perdition, and ready to fall an easy prey 
to a crafty Demagogue or daring Despot. 

To render subservient to human use a wilder- 
ness, lately howling in fearful barbarity, is the no- 
ble task which has been performed on the very 
C 



C i8 ] 

place where we are now assembled. Where can 
we find a more beautiful prospect, than on these 
banks of Connecticut River ? What object can 
exceed in charms, that view of our species, in 
which the hardy cultivator, after having strug- 
gled successfully with savage Nature, is seen 
enjoying the spoils of conquest, with an exult- 
ing conviction that no terrestrial power can wrest 
them from him ? And if this personification may 
for a moment be continued, how magnificent 
and interesting is the spectacle, when tht same 
Nature herself, once rustic and rude, now em- 
bellished and adorned, appears the loveliest cap- 
tive that ever fell to the lot of a conqueror ! Com- 
pared to this, what are their Briseis or their He- 
len ? Compared to this glorious compensation, 
for what is, in my judgment, the sublimest enter- 
prize attempted and proudest achievement accom- 
plished by man, how despicable are the gorge- 
ous pomp and gaudy pageantry of victors return- 
ed from battle, decorated with the brightest bau- 
bles that ever excited the longings of ambition, 
and crowned with the fairest wreaths which were 
ever reaped from the desolated earth ? 

Our State has, in its transactions,been gener- 
ally guided by the eternal rules of Justice. By 
Justice alone, can our confederated Empire be 
established. In aid of this, it is to be hoped, 
several circumstances, which have an influence 
on our character and manners as a people (in 



C '9 ] 

this section of the United States, in particular) 
may contribute towards the duration of our re- 
publican forms of government. A rigorous 
climate, that tries the body by alternate extremes 
of heat and cold ; and a rugged soil, which re- 
quires persevering toil to draw a subsistence from 
it, will naturally make a hardy race of inhabi- 
tants. The stubborn materials of which our in- 
dependent yeomanry are composed, will not suf- 
fer them readily to be shaped into the pliable au- 
tomatons of despotism. It has been apprehend- 
fcd that the rapid increase of wealth in a country 
like ours, where the citizens in the seaports, are 
animated by such a spirit of commercial enterprize, 
would produce refinements ; that refinements 
would be attended with luxury and effeminacy ; 
and that these would be followed by the loss of liber- 
ty. Were all parts of our settlements like our large 
towns, this might possibly be the case. But the 
vast quantity of land to be settled, its superiority 
in quality over most of that which is already lo- 
cated, the facility of obtaining farms by persons in 
moderate circumstances, and their natural pro- 
pensity to make such a permanent provision 
for their families, will doubtless continue Agricul- 
ture as the principal business, in United Ameri- 
ca, for many years. We need not fear that trade 
will gain an undue ascendancy in our affairs. 
May no fascinating allurements of conquest ever 
operate more powerfully in seducing us from the 
pursuits of agriculture! God forbid we 



t 20 ] 

should wish for wealth or grandeur, by despoil- 
ing others of the fruits of their labour ! And 
what have we to do with ambition ? What ad- 
vantage can we figure to ourselves, which cannot 
be better obtained by peace than war ? Is it 
plunder— is it splendor, which we want ? — No ! 
Agriculture, with her attendants. Navigation, 
Commerce, and Manufactures, will afford ample 
means of gratifying all our reasonable desires* 
Industry and Morals are the strong founda- 
tions of public felicity. But splendid fortunes, 
suddenly acquired, Avithout the ordinary process 
of acquisition, are not friendly to Industry and 
Morals. What tendency have piracy and pil- 
lage, but to cherish idleness and debauchery ? 
May not territories be too extensive, particular- 
ly for republican forms of government? Andshall 
the pride of counting a few more millions of a- 
cres of land, or a few more millions of men un- 
der the same domination, stimulate mankind to 
seek plausible pretexts for carrying devasta- 
tion intoforeiern countries ? If the United States 

o 

could, without cost, without bloodshed, make 
more extensive conquests than were ever made 
before, they should not be thus tempted to 
their ruin. To be happy at home, and capable 
of defending ourselves against attacks from a- 
broad, should bound our ambition. But should 
any power be so unjust and so impolitic as to 
force us into a war, then ought we not to hesi- 
tate to make him feel his folly, by assailing him in 
the most vulnerable point . 



No maxim was ever so well calculated to al* 
lay jealousy and preserve peace, as that of " doing 
to others as we would they should do unto us/* 
This is a sublimer doctrine than was ever taught 
by uninspired philosophy. The precept is an e=- 
manation from pure Religion — the practice, a 
proof of unsophisticated Justice. This is the 
righteousness which exalts a nation — while the 
reverse, is the sin which is the reproach to any 
people. Yet, considering the perverse passions 
by which the conduct of mankind is frequently 
influenced, it is indispensably necessary to be pre- 
pared to repel force by force. For notwithstand- 
ing all the possible justice which we can practise 
to others, we may be, as we have been, compel- 
led to resort to arms for the defence of our in- 
alienable rights. 

To inspire our nation with military ardour 
and enthusiasm, appears essential to our exist- 
ence. Effeminacy, cowardice, and dissension, 
in a country marked for invasion by its wealth 
and weakness, leaves every thing to be appre- 
hended from unprovoked aggression. A commu- 
nity consisting of farmers, merchants, and me- 
chanics, regardless of the means of defence, will 
not long maintain its independence. . 

Examples of patriotism and courage, if 
needed, shall not however be wanting. You, 
Veterans ! can yet stand in the desperate breach. 



[ 22 ] 

or die in the last ditch. The war-horse,* dis- 
charged from his troop as broken down by- 
hard service, forgets not the sound of the 
trumpet. Nor would the clashing of swords or 
the shout of invasion strike your ears in vain. Is 
there not many an aged hero now in my view, 
who could say in the language of the immortal 
bard — 

" Though I look old, yet I am strong and lusty ; 

For in my youth I never did apply 

Hot and rebellious liquors in my blood ; 

Nor did not with unbashful forehead woo 

The means of weakness and debility ; 

Therefore my age is as a lusty winter, 

Frosty but kindly." 

At the first alarm, would you not again gird 
on the harness ? Would you not teach such ar- 
mies as might come for conquest or plunder — ar- 
mies of boys born since you gained the prize of 
freedom for which you contended — I say, would 
you not teach them, you are still men ? Would 
you not show them, that the knees of the silver 
greys do not so totter beneath the weight of 
arms, as to refuse their post in the front of the 
battle ? If we fall like ripe fruits in autumn, 
another progeny, beauteous with the promise of 
spring, will succeed, to cause our loss to be soon 
forgotten. And shall there be found, among 
them, one poltron who would refuse to enroll 
himself in the ranks ? Who among you, young 



[ 23 3 

men ! will belie the blood of your fathers, or 
raise a blush on the face of those who bore you ? 
What mother would not sooner shed a tear at 
the dishonour of a living son, than on hearing he 
had fallen covered with honorable wounds, and 
fighting gloriously to the last gasp, in defence of 
his country ? Where is the virgin, whose se- 
cret affections followed her lover to the field, 
who would not treat him with ineffable con- 
tempt at his return, should he have misbehaved 
before the enemy ? Veterans ! with your exam- 
ples of valour — Youths ! with your pledges of 
duty — ^your country is safe from fear of subjuga- 
tion by a foreign foe. 

It is neither within the compass of my time 
or intention to speak of internal dangers ; or to 
say any thing of the apprehensions which do ex- 
istjthat one member of the confederacy is striving 
to acquire and perpetuate a predominance in the 
councils of the nation, fatal to the equal rights of 
the rest. It is, however, but too well known to 
be denied, that the public mind is now unusually 
agitated, by the approaching election of Chief 
Magistrates. This violent ferment seems likely 
to be renewed with the recurring period, once in 
every four years. Perhaps it is an evil inherent 
in elective governments. In the present state of 
human nature, I do not know of any remedy. 
But with all its imperfections and inconveniences, 
I know not myself, nor have learned from others. 



C 24 3 

how the Federal Constitution could be replaced 
by one less exceptionable. I am, therefore, earnestly 
desirous of giving it a fair experiment. I expect no- 
thing perfect. In case of change — ^I expect nothing 
better — nothing so good. It is the first real trial of 
a well organized Representative Government. It 
is the ' last hope of true republicans. For if it 
fails of success, what government can we look 
for, but such an one as shall be imposed by chance 
or force ? It will then be too late for delibera- 
tion. 

I MUST now be permitted, as I have stated 
was a part of my design, to offer a few observa- 
tions on two national events, which have taken 
place since our last annual meeting. The first is 
the *cession of Louisiana by France to the Uni- 
ted States. It belongs not to me to scrutinize the 
motives of the First Consul for this transferrence. 
If they arose from the conjuncture, I do not per- 
ceive that we have a right to complain of any 
thing insidious or unfair in the bargain. At the 
time of the negociation, a war between England 
and France was highly probable. Our Negocia- 
tors acted with that prospect before them. Gov- 
ernment has ratified the treaty. It will form a me* 
morable epoch, as exhibiting, in the estimation 
of many of our citizens, the first national act to- 
wards an unnecessary enlargement of empire. 
By them, the addition of this immense region, to 

* See Note (b) 



1 25 ] 

our jurisdiction, has been reprobated — ^by others 
it has been applauded, and celebrated with rejoic- 
ings. If I have not participated in them, it was, 
I know in my conscience, not because I viewed the 
subject as a question that divided the sentiments of 
particular descriptions of men, or because I was 
actuated by party feelings ; but because I am se- 
riously apprehensive of disastrous consequences. 
Possessing, as we did, an extent of country more 
than sufficient for every purpose of cultivation 
and population, no more* could be wanted. In 
this light, it was useless. In another point of 
view, as it furnished proof of the existence of a 
disposition for aggrandizement, it was more to be 
deprecated. Shall we not have sufficient inhabit- 
ants for defence, by natural increase, within our 
ancient limits ? and are we not already spread over 
as much territory as can be well governed under 
the representative system which we have chosen, 
without embarrassment ? Is an individual likelv 
to be happier at his fire side, or protected with 
more efficacy or economy, by being confounded 
in a mass of thirty millions of souls, than by 
composing part of the present population of the 
United States ? Will Louisiana add to our na- 
tional strength ? "Who, but Land-jobbers and 
Negro-Owners, will reap any emolument from it ? 
Will it not prove rather detrimental, than benefi- 
cial, to the public ? May it not involve us in dis- 

See Note CcJ 

D 



C 26 3 

putes respecting ks limits ? and must it not In 
expenses, for some time, for its government and 
protection ? It will tend to retard the sale and 
improvement of our other unlocated districts. It 
will likewise thin the old settlements of inhabi- 
tants, by attracting settlers from them. And, 
what is infinitely more pernicious, with all this 
assistance, it cannot be cultivated to advantage 
without the introduction of great numbers of Af- 
ricans. An abomination, sooner or later, I fear, 
to be expiated in blood ! Let those who wish 
for the encrease of slaves, rejoice in this new 
nursery for them. I envy not their sensations. 
With such labour, the produce will become ex- 
ceedingly profitable to the slave-holders. Popu- 
lation will multiply with incredible rapidity. 
And the centre of empire will ere long be car- 
ried hundreds of miles southward of the present 
seat of government. These are no fictions- 
no exaggerations. I beseech every sincere friend 
of the Union, to divest himself of local preju- 
dices and party feelings ; and to think seriously on 
this state of things. What effect it will have on 
the property of the inhabitants of the eastern and 
middle states, I leave them to decide ; as well as 
on the species of republicanism which will cha- 
racterize their fellow-citizens, in the newly-acquir- 
ed territory. Every candid person must also be 
left to judge for himself, whether this event will 
be likely to contribute to the preservation or 
destruction of the Union ! I Solemnly declare, it 



I ay 1 ■ 

would give me unspeakable pleasure to find 
my fears had been as groundless as they 
are sincere and afflictive. 

I HAVE never had but one opinion on the 
true policy of restraining ourselves within 
our original limits, except so far as might be ne- 
cessary for rounding our republic ; by natural 
and visible, instead of artificial and imaginaiff 
lines of demarkation. The Missisippi appeared a 
boundary of the former description, designed by 
nature as the barrier of empire. On this account, 
and no other, I considered it as a desirable thing 
for us to purchase the Floridas, at a just price. 
I wished for no meadows, but such as could be 
made by cultivation — no mines, but such as 
should be discovered by the ^plough — ^no fruits 
planted, or cities built, by the industry of others. 
Yet the growth and continuance of the prosperi- 
ty of theinhabitants on the western watersdepended 
so exclusively on the navigation of the Missisippi 
and the possession of New-Orleans, that their ac- 
quisition seemed indispensable. And no inhab- 
itant of those countries must be indulged the 
permission of saying, he w^as a more strenuous 
advocate for the measure, than myself. To 
prove that my sentiments of the impolicy and 
impracticability of debarring us from the natural 
benefits, offered by the munificence of the Crea- 
tor, are not recently adopted, I will cite a para- 
graph, which I wrote when Minister in Portugal, 

See Note C^J 



[ 28 ] 

to Mr. Carmichael, then Charge d' Affaires 
for the United States in Spain. 

" Go, changed Iberia ! in thy dotage dream, 
To shut from use long Missisippi's stream ! 
But first, go turn it backward from its course, 
And make that world of waters seek their source ! 
Go, level Calpe's cliff -v^ith conquering ire, 
Quench redd'ning Etna's cataracts of fire ; 
Go, prison wild tornadoes in thy cage. 
Blot day's bright star, and still mad ocean's rage ; 
Then may'st thou hope to chase us from the wave, 
Which GoD, for navigation, form'd and gave." 

The second national event, to which I alluded, 
is the loss of the frigate Philadelphia, and the 
captivity of the oiEcers and crew at Tripoli. I 
will not repeat, what has often been intimated, 
that this misfortune would not probably have 
happened, had a suitable number of small armed 
vessels been employed to cruize with our squad- 
ron in the Mediterranean. But I find no diffi- 
culty in declaring publicly, I believe, if the block- 
ade had been properly maintained, the Bashaw 
would long ago have solicited peace from us, on 
our own terms. It only remains to repair the 
waste of time by greater exertions 5 and to extri- 
cate our countrymen, as soon as we can, from 
their deplorable slavery. Oh ! Slavery ! with 
what a bitter draught is thy chalice filled ? 
And must the sons and brothers of those 
who fought for Independence, drink it to the 
dregs r Having been more conversant with Bar- 



C 29 3 

bary negociations than any other man in Ameri- 
ca, I might be allowed to paint the condition of 
our countrymen, condemned to chains, in more 
gloomy colours. But yon meridian sun would 
have reached the western horizon, ere I had fin- 
ished ; and, if I am not mistaken in the mettle 
you are made of, your feelings will supply the 
picture. Too much praise can hardly be given 
to the Executive, for the zeal now manifested 
for bringing this war to a speedy conclusion. 
And, happily for us, on this subject unanimity 
prevails, to the best of my knowledge, through- 
out every department in the Union. 

Is slavery less * slavery in a Christian than in a 
Mahometan country ? I entreat your attention, 
while I plead the general cause of hum-anity. In 
such a cause it is right to appeal to your sensibil- 
ity as well as your reason. It is now no longer 
time to flatter petty tyrants, by acknowledging 
that colour constitutes a legitimate title, for hold- 
ing men in abject and perpetual bondage. . In 
support of this usurpation, what can be urged 
but the law of the strongest ? Yet societies for 
promoting the abolition of negro-slavery must 
act with great wisdom and caution, or they v/ill 
be in danger of doing more mischief than good. 
They are engaged in opening a passage hedged on 
every side with thorns, and obstructed by almost 
insurmountable obstacles. It is difficult to answer 

* See the extracts from No. 1 to 7, in tiie Appeiwlix. 




C 30 3 f 

.the initial question, " What is to be done with 
hereditary slaves ?'* Owing to the unfortunate 
treatment to which they have been destined by 
l)irth, most of them are without instruction, and 
w^ithout morality. Can they suddenly be made 
fit subjects for liberation ? I own, I am no friend to 
sudden manumission — ^because it would be doing 
much injury to the proprietors — and because the 
condition of the slaves, destitute of forethought, 
industry, and a sense of moral obligations,would 
perhaps be but little mended. And the commu- 
nity could not fail to suflfer, for a while, by their 
idleness, penury and vice. It was to have been 
hoped, that the current of public opinions, and 
the concurrence of testamentary bequests, would 
have prepared the blacks by degrees, for tasting 
the cup of liberty, without intoxication. Oh ! 
gracious Heaven, must the shackles be yet rivet- 
ed on endless generations ? Certainly many phi- 
lanthropic possessors of slaves have united with 
others, in the hope that some prudent means 
might be devised for gradual emancipation. But 
the introduction of thou sands of native Africans 
into South Carolina, the present year, has at least 
postponed the accomplishment of that hope. Poor 
and unsatisfactory indeed, is the excuse that 
these will only supply the place of the negroes, 
who would otherwise have been brought there 
from Maryland and Virginia. In one case, the 
number of slaves in the country remained the 
same — in the other, it is augmented. Against 



I 3» 3 

this augmentation, this sin of a scarlet die, I dare 
to raise my voice. I am sensible that what I now 
say, cannot be confined to this audience. Print- 
ing, that marvellous improvement on the inven- 
tion of the ancients for communicating their ideas 
in writing ; that magical power of the moderns, 
for speaking, if the expression may be permitted, 
with more facility to the most distant eye, sends 
forth articulated sounds to the uttermost corners 
of the earth. Fearless of offending, I have long 
ago attacked tyranny in his strong holds. If 
sentiment and principle can be more forcibly im- 
pressed by poetry than prose, I will again use the 
former, without apology, in carrying them home 
to the bosoms of my old companions in arms. 

Heard ye a voice within, instinctive urge, 
To check the progress of unpitying vi^ar, 

Wrench from the grasp of tyranny his scourge. 
And crush ambition in his crimson car ? 

That voice we heard, when Britain's long-fam'd host 
Our yeomen, new to arms, in battle smote ; 

In love of country every passion lost, 
Our ravish'd souls to liberty devote. 

If we to Heav'n our unavailing vows 

For Poland rais'd — ^besought Heav'n's righteous Lord, 
To rend the wreath from Austria's, Prussia's brows, 

And break of baneful leagues the *threefold cord ; 

With horror mark'd the Empress of the North, 
Her wheels yet reeking o'er the fmooned host, 

• The coalition of Russia, Austrlj^ and Prussia, for the partition 
ef Poland. 

t Few readers will have occasion to be informed, that the banner* 
of the Ottoman troops have crescent moons, for their armorial emblems. 



Rouse the dull Russ, and call the Cossac forth 
From darksome dens of everlasting frost : 

If we on changeful Gaul, not coldly gaz'd, 
But lov'd the fair reforms by patriots plann'd, 

Till, fir'd by crimes, our indignation blaz'd, 
That democrats enrag'd should rule the land : 

If to Columbia's sons a tear I ow'd, 

Her captive seamen chain'd at Algiers long ; 

If for their wTongs, my eyes, a fountain, fiow*d, 
And thunder'd from my tongue the wrathful song : 

Of every class, ye proud oppressors ! hear ! 

Monarchs and demagogues who realms enslave, 
Or ye who purchase bondmen* far and near, 

I hati§*your conduct, and your anger brave. 

And chief, ye despots I to the strain attend ! 

Shall coward millions to your will succumb ? 
At your capricious nod whole nations bend, ^ 

Or for resistance find a sudden tomb ? 

To Heav'n be praise !— -that Gothic spell is o*er, 
When, luird by witcheries, Europe slept supine, 

And only dream'd of superstitious lore, 
Prescriptive pow'r and regal rights divine. 

Strange seems to Beings groping dim in dust, 

That He, whose light and dark enchantment broke, 

At times (his ways inscrutable as just) 
Still suffers man to smart beneath a yoke. 

Ah I why will He, blest Arbiter on high, 

His bow with thunder charged and bickering fire, 

Not bare his arm to bid his terrors fly, 

And earth's fierce Troubler's at his frown expire ? 

• This refers to the late repeal of the law in South Carolina, which, 
prohibited the Importation of slaves. Since wliich, thousands hxvc 
baen introduced into xXisd. State from Africa. 



r 33 ] 

Thoug-h conscience oft, their raging pride to tame, 
Shall make them cm'se their triumphs earn*d by guilt, 

Compeird to hate their very idol, fame, 

And drink, inebriate, of the blood they spilt : 

A retribution in un joyous climes. 

Remains to make the moral scheme complete-— 
Be joyful, earth I unburden*d of their crimes ; 

And, Hell I rise grim, their coming shades to greet 

And less shall plagues pursue those planter-lords, . 

Who, for proud wealth in slaves, their lot applaud ; 
Yet boast of liberty with guileful words, ^ 

. And preach " all men were equals made by God" ? 

Are ye the lords who treat your slaves as brutes ? 

Heav'ns ! how your deeds and doctrines disagree I 
Speak not of freedom ! — for your lip pollutes 

Your holy oath, " that man by birth is free." 

^ Blush not these men, to government elect, 

Thy cause, Equality ! who quaintly plead— 
And talk of declarations that protect 

Man's natural rights — nor name that hateful deed 

Themselves have done— to hold their blacks enthrall'd, 
To dole no daily *food save stinted corn— 

With whips to drive them, faint, with fetters gali'd — ' 
To tasks unending—and of hope forloiT^ ? 

Say, then, perfidious ! — say, are ye alone- 
Exclusive patriots ?— Freedom's only friends ? 

Your eye-balls cas'd in scales, your hearts in stone, 
On you the frenzying curse of Heav'n descends, 

* One peck of Indian corn, in the grain, is the only food allowed to 
each slave for seven days, on many plantations. See th« essay on the 
use of maize in the Appendix. 

E 



Cm] 

Ruin's forerunner !. every art ye use 
To cheat the c^^owd with liberty *s sweet name , 

With hypocritic cant promote your views, 

Licreasej your slaves^ and glory in your shame^ 

Was it for this, incomparably boldy^ 

Led by your godlike chief, through climates far, 

We brav*d the summer's heat, the wirAer's cold, 
Breasting the dreadful engmery of v^ar 

Through eight long years, in many a gory field, 

High in the van, the starry flag unfurl'd, 
Till peace (with heroes' blood the treaty seal'd) 

Confirm'd man's- equal rights in this new world ? 

V 
What ! wliile we hear the clank of slavery's chains, 

Mix'd with discordant sounds of patriot zeal ; 

While love of freedom throbs through veteran veins, 

For Afric's sons shall we no pity feel ? 

• How long in vain shall Afric's race be mourn'd ? 
In hopeless bondage, unredeem'd, how long ? 
No hand to help — ^^vith cries for justice spurn'd— 
Cringe at the cutting of the penal thong ? 

Ye planters I bashaws I cast one kind regard 
On blacks ftom Guinea brought for barter'd gold ; 

Or, blind to interest as of feeling hard. 

Can ye with ciniel scorn their woes behold ? 

W^ill no good angel on the Lybean shore, 
Dash the curst vessel destin'd to our climes ; 

Ere yet augmented slaves with flames and gore 

Retort thsir wrongs, and measure crimes for crimes ? 

Behold ! — oh, horror ! — Hayti's bloody strand • 
Mark t how the lesson erst by white-men giv'n, 

t There are individuals in the United States, who hold more of 
tlicir fellow-crcatui'es in slaveFV, than either of the Baibary Powers. 



Z 35 3 

liJot vainly taught the barbarous sableT^and, 

To claim the birth-right held alone from Heav'n. 

Dark rose the negroes—'twas the dread resolve, 

That right to rescue, or with it expire, 
Bade the strong bolts that bound their flesh dissolve, 

Like flaxen cords before devouring fire. 

Once whitemen triumph'd — ^blackmen now are free ; 

While fearful noises fluctuate on the wind, 
Late victors fly for safety to the sea, 

And not a haughty master lags behind. 

Thou blot on nature, Slavery I disappear \ 
Yet, monster \ yet, a moment, from thy mouth, 

Shall gall aiid venom tinge the verdant year, 
And blast the glories of the boasted South. 

Then, bright through bursting clouds, the aurora trace I 
Though long the night, and murky low'r'd the sky. 

Lift up your heads \ ye much enduring race ! 
Lift up youi^ heads I for your redemption's nigh. 

Mr Friends and Fellow CirizENS / 

I NOW take my leave of you, in offering 
my best acknowledgments for your polite and 
flattering attention to this discourse. May our 
country be prosperous and safe, by Modera- 
tion, Industry, Justice and Valour, when 
not only the tongue which now implores that 
valedictory blessing, but every other in this as- 
sembly, shall be silent in death ! and may the 
stain of slavery be, one day effaced ! YoiJi^g 
been witnesses of our conduct — ^you have neard 
our respect for the decision of our rulers, even 
when we believed they were influenced by an un- 



C 36 ] 

reasonable prejudice. Had we the inclination, 
how have we the ability, to become a previleged 
order, dangerous to the liberty of the Republic ? 
To prove we will not, is in our power. Perhaps 
a page is vacant in the annals of America, to re- 
ceive the proceedings of this society, on this an- 
niversary. We may then expect more justice from 
posterity, than from the present age. For myself, I 
scorn to live the object of jealousy, when its malig- 
nity may be avoided, by dissolving this connection. 
This medal of the society of the Cincinnati, Gen. 
Washington caused to be procured in France ; 
and he gave it to me as a present^ with his own 
hand. For the giver's sake, I will keep it as a preci- 
ous relick ; but from this hour, I shall never wear 
it, not even on the proud day consecrated to 
independence. 

Mr Friends of the Cincinnati I 

The most painful part of the solemnity still 
remains. — ^To bid an adieu until the consumma- 
tion of all things, is to pronounce an awful word. 
Whatever may be your determination, as to the 
continuance or dissolution of our Society ; under 
the circumstances which have been related, my 
part is decided. I cannot reconcile it to my idea 
of propriety, ever again to attend your ^ff^KKff^ 
^i|[||^eetings. Thebehaviour of one branch of the 
Legiflature has accelerated the feparation, which in 
a few years must have been inevitable. I shall see 
yourfaccs nomore. May the sunfliine of conscience 



C 37 3 

gild your setting day — ^and may you enjoy every 
species of felicity which you can desire for your- 
selves ! For the last time — farewell. Ye surviv- 
ors of thousands5who died fighting for the glorious 
cause of Liberty — Ye remnants of yourselves in 
better days — Ye Veterans of the revolutionary 
army, farewell ! — ^Farewell, forever ! 



nn^OTSamMEllSEaiESi 



AT this meeting, a vote was passed for the dissolution 
of the Society ; the Members or their legal heirs having a 
right to withdraw the proportion of the fund belonging to them. 
A number of the Officers determined to leave their share to 
be divided among such as had been accustomed to receive 
some annual p^ietance from this Society, 




"ee 



a?* 



APPENDIX. 



Note (a.) 
The Honourable Jeremiah Wadsworth was for many 
years a Magistrate, member of the State Legislature, and 
Representative in Congress. An honourary degree was con- 
ferred on him by Yale College ; and he was an associate in 
several institutions established to promote the prosperity ot 
his country, and increase the happiness of mankind. A let- 
ter written by him, on the introduction of a species of wheat, 
which resists, better than any other, the rava^s of the Hes- 
sian fly, has been published. His successful attempts in ap- 
plying the Plaister of Paris as a manure, has brought it into 
extensive use on the borders of Connecticut River, to the 
great profit of the farmers. The breed of horses in his neigh- 
bourhood, has been rendered much better than it was former- 
ly, by means of the stock which he imported from Eng- 
land. Some of the black-cattle and hogs which he raised on 
his farm, it is believed, were not inferior to any which have 
been bred in the United States. He was amongst the first to 
apply for, and obtain one of the Merino Rams, imported 
from Spain two years ago, to meliorate his flock of sheep. 
Has not the memory of such a man, who has laboured so 
ardently and so successfully to be serviceable to his fellow cit- 
izens, more claims to an honourable notice in the records of 
4|g|fl||kthan those of the homicides (vulgarly called heroes) 
who have laid waste so many of the fair portions of the world, 
for the sole purpose of being known and applauded by poster- 



C 59 3 

Mte {6) 
The question whether the possession of Louisiana will b« 
advantageous or disadvantageous to the United States, un- * 
doubtedly involves considerations of the greatest importance. 
It ought to be discussed with equal delicacy and fairness. The 
splendid view of the addition of such an immense region to our 
territory, is calculated to dazzle and astonish the boldest im- 
agination. To those who prefer problematical and eventu- 
al grandeur to solid and actual happiness, there can be no 
doubt this vast enlargement of our limits must appear one of 
the most glorious events which could have taken place. I 
am fully persuaded, there are honest and well-informed pat- 
riots, who entertain this opinion. In this number^. I should 
naturally include Dr. Ramsay, of South Carolina, l^ is since 
the preceding discourse has been in the press, I have seen 
the Oration of that gentlemen, delivered on the 12th of May - 
last, at Charleston, in celebration of the acquisition of IJouisia- 
na. However I may regret to differ in judgment, on s^ina-^ 
portant a point, from a person whose talents and morals I 
hold in so high estimation ; I cannot feel myself relieved, by 
any thing he has suggested, from my apprehensions of the 
dangerous consequences, which seem inevitable. Had it not 
been for the incidental manner in which I treated this subject, 
I should have offered several other reasons which operated in 
forming my opinion, unless I had suppressed them from a 
dread of aiding in giving birth or nourishment, to local preju- 
dice or policy. I did believej and I have found nothing to 
change that belief, that, if we were faithful to ourselves, and 
continued within our ancient limits, we should be competent 
to defend ourselves, against the secret machinations or open as- 
saults of all the powers, which might be disposed to injure or 
annoy us. This opinion I supported, with at least sufficient 
zeal, in an argument with Gen. St. Cyr, Ambassador of 
France, at Madrid, in presence of the whole diplomatic corps, 
while the subject of Louisiana was in agitation, a few days be- 
fore I left that capitol. I am neither afraid or ashamed to a- 
TOW, at present, the same opinion, together with the addition- 



t 40 3 

al one, which I expressed on that occasion ; that, if we were 
unfaithful to ourselves, by becoming a disunited people, what- 
• ever our numbers might be, nothing could secure us from 
sharing the fate of other nations, in the same predicament : 
and that, possessing the natural, moral and political advanta- 
ges with which v/e had been favored, we could claim little pity 
for our lot, in case we should lose . our independence, by our 
discord and folly. And I went so far as to ask Gen. St. Cyr, 
(who always appeared to me, a gentleman, a soldier, and u 
statesman) whether the French armies would have ever pene- 
trated into Holland, Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, in the 
manner which they had done, but for the great numbers 
of friends they found in those countries ? 

On the subject of increasing our population by emigrations, 
mentioned by Dr. Ramsay, as much to be desired, I conceive, 
I cannot do better than to quote the sentiments of Mr. Jef- 
ferson, communicated to a foreigner in the time of our revo- 
lutionary war ; and consequently several years before the in- 
flux of emigrants from Europe,who have in a mianner inundated 
some parts of our country. His words, in his Notes on Vir- 
ginia, are as follow : 

" Here I will beg leave to propose a doubt. The present desire of 
America, is to produce rapid population by as great importations of fo- 
reigners as possible. But is this founded in good policy ? The advan- 
tage proposed is the multiplication of numbers. Now let us suppose 
(for example only) that in this state, we could double our numbers in 
one year by the impoilation of foreigners ; and this is a greater acces- 
sion than the most sanguine advocate for emigration has a right to ex- 
pect. Then I say, beginning with a double stock, we shall attain any 
given degree of population only 27 years and three months sooner than 
if we proceed on our single stock. If we propose four millions and a 
half as a competent population for this state, we should be 54f years 
attaining it, could we at once double our numbers ; and 81| yearii, if 
we rely on natural propagation, as may be seen by the following table • 



I 



4» 



3 





Proceeding on our Proceeding on a 
present stock. double stock. 


1781 j 567,614 | 1,135,228 


1808 1 1,135,228 | 2,270,456 


1835 1 2,270,456 | 4,540,912 


1862 j 


4,540,912 1 



*' In the first column are stated periods of 27| years ; in the second 
are our numbers, at each period, as they will be if we proceed on our ac- 
tual stock ; and in the third are what they would be, at the same pe- 
riods, were we to set out from the double of our present stock. I 
have taken the term of four millions and a half of inhabitants for ex- 
ample's sake only. Yet I am persuaded it is a greater number than 
the country spoken of, considering how much inarable land it contains, 
can clothe and feed, without a material change in the quality of their 
diet. But are there no inconveniences to be thrown into the scale a- 
gainst the advantage expected from a multiplication of numbers by 
the importation of foreigners ? It is for the happiness of those united 
in society to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they 
must of necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole 
object of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by 
common consent. Ev^ery species of government has its specific prin- 
ciples. Ours perhaps is more peculiar than those of any other in the 
universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English con- 
stitution, with others derived from natwal reason. To these nothing 
can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet, 
from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They 
will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave, 
imbibed in their early youth ; or, if able to throw them off, it will be 
in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, 
from one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to 
stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, 
with their language, they will transmit to their children. In propor- 
tion to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They 
will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and render 
it a heterog^eneous, incoherent, distracted mass. I may appaal to ex* 

F 



i: ,4a 1 

perience, during -tfte present contest, for a verification cf these conjec- 
tures. But, if they be not certain in event, are they not possible, are the j 
not probable ? Is it not safer to wait with patience 27 years and three 
months long-er, for the attainment of any degree of population desired 
or expected ? May not our government be more homogeneous, more 
peaceable, more durable ? Suppose 20 millions of republican Ameri- 
cans thrown all of a sudden into France, what would be the condition 
of that kingdom ? If it would be more turbulent, less happy, less 
strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million of foreign- 
ers to our present numbess would produce a similar effect here. If 
they come of themselves, they are entitled to all the rights of citizen- 
ship ;« but I doubt the expediency of inviting tliem by extraordinary 
encouragements. I mean not that these doubts should be extended to 
the importation of useful artificers. The policy of that measure de- 
pends on very different considerations. Spare no expense in obtain- 
ing them. Tliey will after a while go to the plough and the hoe ; 
but, in the mean time, they will teach us something we do not know. 
It is not so in agvicidture. The indifferent state of that among us 
does not proceed from a want of knowledge merely ; it is from our 
having such quantities of land to waste as we please. In Europe the 
object is to make the most of their land, labor being abundant : here 
it is to make the most of om- labor, land being abundant." 

la justice to the liberality of Mr. Jefferson's sentiments 
on negro-slavery, which he considers a great political and mor- 
al evil, I cannot fi>rbear to add the following quotation : 

*'Under the mild treatment our slaves experience, and their whole- 
some, though coarse food, this blot in our country increases as fast, 
or faster, than the whites. During the regal government, we had at 
one time obtained a law, which imposed such a duty on the importation 
of slaves, as amounted nearly to a prohibition, when one inconsiderate 
assembly, placed under a peculiarity of circumstances, repealed the 
la\\\ Tliis repeal met a jo}ful sanction from the then sovereign, and 
no devices, no expedients, wliich could ever after be attempted by 
the subsequent assemblies, and they seldom met M'itliout attempting 
them, could succeed in getting the royal assent to a renewal of the du- 
ty. In the very first session held under the republican government, 
the assembly passed a law for the perpetual prohibition of the impor- 
tation of slaves. This will in some measure stop the increase of thii 
great political and moral evil, while the minds of our citizens may be 
ripening for a complete cmimcipation of human nature." 



' C 43 1 

Notwithstanding all the blessings which we are about to 
confer on the aborigines (according to the opinion of some 
statesmen) by making extensive establishments in Louisiana ; 
it would be consolatory to me, to be convinced, our encroach- 
ment on their hunting ground, will not redound more to their 
injury, than our society will be to their benefit. Wherever 
the settlements of the whites have advanced, the natives have 
become extinct or been obliged to retire into the wilderness. 
Their destinies, in this respect, seem almost preternatural, 
even where they have been treated with an uncommon share 
of justice and humanity. In the Atlantic States scarcely a 
vestige remains. All attempts to civilize and christianize 
them, have hitherto been attended with partial and imperfect 
success. In spite of these discouragements, we should not 
be weary in making further efforts, in regard to the tribes 
or remains of tribes within our ancient limits. How far we 
are required to seek new subjects for experiments, and how 
far their good is the primary end we have in view, I shall 
leave politicians and casuists to decide. 



Mte (c) 

To obviate by anticipation any imputatation of inconsisten- 
cy which might be made, I take the liberty to state the fol- 
lowing facts. I did not concur in opinion with those who 
were for using forcible means in the first instance, for the re- 
covery of our right of deposit at New Orleans, which had 
been suspended by the Intendant ; because, I believed the Spa- 
ish government too just to authorise such a proceeding ; be- 
cause, I was utterly opposed to any measure which might 
encourage a disposition for war, conquest, and extension of 
territory,the consequences of which could not be calculated; be- 
cause, I was persuaded the rightthus wantonly suspended, might 
be obtained better by negociation than force ; and because in 
case it should not be thus amicably obtained, I had no doubt 
of our ability to recover it by force, whenever we might think 
it expedient. 



t 44 ] 

When I called to take leave of President Jeffersoh, on 
returning to the eastward from Washington, in January, 
1803, among other things, he said to me, " I see they have 
got your name also into the news-papers." On my asking 
him, ^' where, and how ;" he replied, " In Cheetham's A- 
merican Citizen, in which he charges you by name, with be- 
ing the author of a p'iece in some other paper, adyising the im- 
mediate attack of the Spanish settlements— a charge of which 
we* can all readily acquit you/* 

In truth, I have never seen to this day, either Cheet- 
ham's paper in Which this false charge is contained, or the 
piece to which he alluded. 



Note (c?) 
«No mines but such as should be discovered by the plough/* 
By these expressions, it is not meant, that the useful and the 
precious metals can be dispensed with, in the present stage of 
civilized society ; but that it would generally be more advan- 
tageous for us to purchase such portions of those articles as we 
may want, with the produce of our labour in other vocations, 
than to explore the bowels of the earth for them. It is well 
known, that the countries which have the most valuable mines, 
are not the richest ; but, I believe, it was never known, that a 
nation, with the most industry and the best government, was 
hot among the happiest. 

I HAVE suggested to the Rev. Dr. Morse, that an in- 
vestigation and statement of the measures taken by the States 
situated east of Maryland, for the gradual extinction of Slave- 
ry, could scarcely fail of being an acceptable article, if insert- 
ed in a future Edition of his useful Geography. It is hoped 
the Public will be favored with such an addition. In the mean 
time, X will antiex, by way of Notes, a few quotations, with 
respect to its existence in other parts of the Union, together 



t 45 3 

with the opmions of different persons on the subject ef holding: 
Africans in bondage. 

Note 1. 

That there are yet serious advocates for the latvfulness of 
Mg'rO'Slavery^ imll be evident from the following criticism^ ex-* 
traded from the American Review andLiterary JoumaUfor\\^0\y 
mge 2o6, on a work entitled: 

<* The Doctrine of perpetual Bondage reconcilable with the infi- 
nite Justice of God, a truth plainly asserted in the Jewish and Chris- 
tian Scripture. By John Beck.'? ^ 

On this work the Reviewers observe, that 

" This Pamphlet, which is dedicated to the good People of Geor- 
gia and South Carolina, contains two Sermons in M^hich the author 
endeavours to justify Negro-Slavery, on scriptural grounds. He a- 
vows it to be his wish and design to counteract the exertions of the 
Manumission Societies which have been, for some time, formed in the! 
middle and Eastern States . And he confidently hopes , th at after the 
perusal of his work, no christian can hesitate to acknowledge the law- 
tiilness of holding Africans in perpetual bondage. 

«' It would be difficult for us to express the mingled emotions of 
contempt and indignation, which were excited in our minds by the 
perusal of this weak and iniquitous performance. Had any one at- 
tempted to excuse the practice, which has, at one time or another, 
prevailed in every part of our country, and which especially reigns in 
the southern States, from the actual habits of the people, from the 
dangers of immediate emancipation, and from the difficulty of apply- 
ing any remedy to the evil, we could have listened to him with pa- 
tience. We are sensible that our Southern Brethi-en, on these 
grounds, labour under real and most painful embarrassment respec- 
ting their slaves ; and we know that many of them deplore the ne- 
cessity (for so they profess to view it) of continuing the evil. But to 
find a person attempting to defend the practice \ii[>on principle ; endeav- 
ouring to reconcile it with the eternal dictates of justice and human- 
ity ; and above all, pretending to find in the word of God a support for 
such an execrable infringement of every fundamental right of our 
common nature, is truly astonishing. We had supposed there was 
scarcely an individual in America who would venture to avow princi- 



» 



t 4S : 

pies so absurd and wicked ; and we would fondly believe that Mr. 
Beck has the disgraceful singularity of standing alone among the cit- 
izens of Georgia, in holdiijg and propagating such opinions. 

" We shall not so far trespass on the patience of our readers as t» 
present them with any analysis of, or extract from, this wretched effort 
of ignorance and error. Such frivolous reasoning — such perversions of 
scripture — such unblushing attempts to subvert every principle of jus- 
tice and benevolence — and such false charges of corrupt design in the 
manumission societies in the middle and eastern states — could only ex- 
cite disgtist. And we will add, that, if every sin recorded in the sa- 
cred history, as having been practised by the Israelites, be a proper ex- 
ample for imitation ; and if every prophetic intimation of what wicked 
men sliould, in after times, do, mider the impulse of selfishness and 
corrupt passions, were tb be considered a rule of duty, then the most 
atrocious crimes of which man is capable, may be defended from 
scripture. 

" We are sensible, that, on the subject of slavery in general, a due 
regard to the situation of the southern States, renders it proper that we 
should speak with caution, Swrnmum jus, suTtima injuria. But such 
an insult on the humane and religious feelings of our coiHitrymen as 
this pamphlet presents, ought not to pass without notice and reproba- 
tion. And we have no doubt that a large portion even of slave-holders, 
in every part of America, would be ashamed to adopt the language and 
arguments of Mr. Beck." 

K(ffe Ko. 2. 

Extract from the Monthly Magazine) printed at Newyork, 
February, 1800. 

*' THOUGHTS ON THE PROBABLE TERMINATION OF NE- 
GRO SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.** 

*' In the five Atlantic Soutliern States, according to the late enu- 
meration,' there were about 1,160,000 free inhabitants, and 630,000 
negro slaves. A man of an inquisitive temper, can hardly fail of turn- 
ing often in his mind, a fact of so much importance, and endeavouring 
to trace the consequences that may hereafter flow from so considera- 
ble a distinction in complexion and privileges of the people of those 
States. 

" It nay, in the first place, be observed, that the /ree are to the 
e.!aves in a less proportion than ttx^o to one ,- that of the whole number of 



c 47 a 

people, more than one third are destitute of any right of property, ex- 
cept of their score or two of cabbages or turnips, planted in their lord'g 
groimd,and in the few trinkets with which they bedeck themselves and 
their wives upon holidays ; are destitute of the benefits of education ; 
have never been suppHed with moral or religious principles, and are 
bound to the service of their masters who buy and sell them like cattle ; 
and on whom they depend for shelter, food, clothing, and tlie em- 
ployment of their time, just as the mules and oxen are dependent. 

" Those States differ from the least civiUzed parts of Europe in va- 
rious respects. The free-born in Livonia and Ingria are not, in gene- 
ral, so well instructed as the free-born of Virginia, and the CaroUnas ; 
but the serfs enjoy liigher privileges^ than the negroes ; partake the re- 
ligion of their masters ; are connected not with the person, but with 
the land ; have more extensive rights of property ; enjoy more ex- 
emptions from labour, and are less restrained in chusing, retaining and 
governing their habitation and families. The number of serfs, more- 
over, is proportionably less than that of negroes. The comparison, 
therefore, is somewhat to the disadvantage of this part of our country. 

*' One difference between Europeans and us is particularly re- 
markable. The serfs are of the same stock as their lords. They 
sprang originally from the same soil ; they vary, in consequence of 
education,*! opinion and acquired habits, but not in form, lineaments 
and hue, from each other. Witli us, circumstances are widely diffe- 
rent. In that conspicuous property of colour, we and our slaves are 
not different, but opposite ; our badges of distinction are black and 
white. In shape andhneaments our diversity is very great." 

After indicating several general causes which may tend 
to accelerate or retard the abolition of Slavery in the United 
States, the writer proceeds to express his ideas in the follow- 
ing terms : 

*' In America, the current of opinion sets strongly against negro 
servitude. The maxims and spirit of oiir religion are generally sup- 
posed to discountenance the practice of slavery, and, by one sect of 
christians, are believed to be wholly incompatible with it. Our mo- 
ral sentiments and reasonings tend likewise to the same end ; but, 
above all, the fundamental rules of our government have a real or ap- 
parent hostility with every species of slavery. 

*' I shall not inquire whether this hostility be real or apparent. It 
U sufficient foi my purpose to remark, that there arc many who dccia 







e: 48 3 

negro slavery to be expressly abolished by our Constitutions ; many 
who believe that to be the virtual or implied meaning* of our laws, and 
tlicre are few or none who are not convinced that this system is pro. 
ductive of more evil than good ; and, however they may decide upon 
ks abstract legality or equity, do not hesitate to condemn it as injuri- 
ous to individvals and national prosperity. These opinions are daily 
gaining ^ound, and their tendency undoubtedly is to facilitate rnanu* 
missions. 

" The great bar to manumissions, is the imag-inary interest of pro- 
prietors. This operates, with relation to posterity, but with diminish- 
ed influence ; thus manumissions are more common by the last will 
of proprietors than by any other means. The frequency of this will 
increases through the influence of example, as well as of those princi- 
ples which have been mentioned above. 

«* The Southern States are, comparatively, deserts. A few dis- 
tricts Oil the sea-board are planted with *rice, maize, and tobacco ; 
but 4,he Western regions are unoccupied except by panthers and deer. 
These, however, will quickly be stocked by people who will migrate 
hithej* from the east and the north. The new-comers will bring with 
them habits, if not opinions, incompatible with slavery. They will 
till their fields and shock their corn with their own hands. Their 
numbers have hitherto increased and will continue to increase with a 
rapidity unexampled in the history of any former nation. The natur- 
al powers of propagation, to which every external circumstance will 
be propitious, will be aided by the influx of strangers from the north. 
If the number of slaves be at present only one third of the whole, how 
speedily wiU that proportion sink to one fifth, one eighth, and even to 
one tenth ? 

" As the proportion of freemen increases, it must be expected tliat 
every moral cause tending to annihilate servitude, will increase in 
force. Having no interest to obstruct the operation of their reason or 
Iiimianlty, the manners and opinions of those who hold no slaves, will 
be likely to gain the ascendant over those of slave-holders. Maxims 
of justice become popular in proportion as the opposition between 
those maxims and the interest of individuals is removed. All the ob- 
jections arising from expediency will lose their force when the dis- 
proportion between whites and blacks is carried to a high degree by 
the rapid progress of the new setUempnts. Comprehensive schemes 
of emancipation may possibly be dangerous, when the number of slave* 

* Si}ice this ivas nvritten, the cultivation of cotton has become an object! 
of •very great importance. 



C 49 ] 

is one half oi* one third of the whole ; but this danger is annihilated 

when it dwindles to a fifteenth or a twentieth. 

(■ 
" One may venture, upon pretty sure foundations, to predict the 
rate of this decrease. Supposing the propagation will do no more 
than keep up the present stock, which is the most that can be granted, 
and supposing that the future increase of white population be equal to 
the past, it will follow, that, in sixty years, the slaves will not be more 
than one twenty-fifth part of the whole. It is quite probable, indeed, 
considering the progressive popularity of manumission, and the un- 
friendly influence of servitude on the multiplication of our species, that 
slavery will nearly disappear from the United States in a less period 
than sixty years." 

Note No. 3. 
Extract from an Essay on the use of Maize, (Indian 
Corn) in the Monthly Magazine and American Review for 
the year 1799. 

" The most lenient and indulgent treatment consists in allowing 
each negro, in addition to his maize, which, in this case, is ground 
and baked by slaves allotted for the purpose, as many salted her- 
rings as he can eat, and twice or thrice a week he is allowed to ban- 
quet upon pickled pork. A man, the limits of whose appetite are 
not prescribed by his master, will eat three herrings, each weighing 
four ounces, at a meal. He makes two meals per day. His meat 
therefore amounts, daily, to 1^ lb. He has likewise a rood or two of 
land, round his hut, which he may cultivate on Sundays and holidays 
in what manner he pleases. In this garden he raises potatoes, pease, 
beans, and the like, which greatly heighten the diversity of his ban- 
quets ; or which he exchanges for spirits, molasses, dainties or cloth- 
ing. He will likewise raise a fowl or two, and will sometimes, in con- 
junction with his fellow servants, perhaps, make out to rear a hog ; 
which his master will give him the necessary means of pickling. In 
some cases tasks are prescribed to the slave, which his industry may 
dispatch so as to gain a day or two in the week, to be employed lo hi* 
own advantage. This is the utmost limit of indulgence. 

"The opposite extrem.e of rigour consists in abridging the negro of 
all leisure but that of Sundays and a few days at Christmas ; and of 
dispensing weekly to each slave eight quarts of Maiae, in the grain. 
They are driven to the field on Monday morning, and continue there 
^ay and nighi until Satiu'day eveniiig. Besides theii appointed tasks 

G 



# 



■ C so 3 

they are to grind their corn, and prepare the meal, with water' 
brought from a neighboring spring, and at«. fire on the spot. They 
are utter strangers to flesh or fish, to every, kind of condiment, even 
to salt. Their food is absolutely and simply Indian meal mingled 
with water. This is spread upon a board and placed before the fire. 
The hoe, the usual instrument of their labour, has sometimes been 
made the instrument of their cookerj', M'hence has arisen the term hoe- 
cake ; but in cases of extreme hardship, this office must be perform- 
ed by a board, the hoe being in constant use until the moment of 
beginning their repast. This description is by no means exaggerated. 
Every one acquainted with the countiy, will recollect more than one 
planter, who possesses between two and three hundred slaves, and 
whose provision is simply and absolutely and invariably, one peck or 
eight quarts of unground Maize per week. This is ground, sifted and 
eaten hy the same persons, and is unaccompanied by flesh or fish, by 
molasses, sugar, or even salt. This, therefore, may be considered as 
a complete instance of the exclusive use of Maize. 

*' In estimating the influence of this diet, we may be led by at- 
tendant circumstances into errors. The rigour which is exercised 
with regard to food, extends to every other particular ; to their dwel- 
ling, clothing, tasks, and especiaUy to punishments. These unhappy 
beings usually appear half naked, emaciated and dejected. They 
form a melancholy contrast to the plump, spirited and laughing fig- 
ures, whom their good fortune has placed under a more lenient gov- 
ernment. How much of this emaciation and dejection is to be imput- 
ed to the kind or quantity of their provision, it is difficult to 
ascertain. 

** I have detailed the limits of indulgence on the one hand and of 
rigour on the other. There are, of course, numerous intermediate de- 
grees. One of these degrees consists in dispensing weekly a fixed, 
though limited, provision. Herrings constitute aluays a part of this 
provision ; but the grain is never less than eight quarts a week. 
Hence it sliould appear that eight quarts, witliout any additional in- 
gredient, are insufficient for wholesome subsistence." 

The writer then proceeds to oRer an ingenious calculation 
on the great benefits which might be conferred on these poor 
slaves, hy introducing a different, but easy and cheap, mode 
of cooking the Indian nfieal. The curious nature of the ob- 
servations, it is hoped, will justify the following quotation. 



51 



3 



*' Admitting", however, that with moderate tasks, with all the 
l)enefits of cookery, with comfortable clothing and shelter, with in- 
tervals of leisure and amusement, eight quarts per week should be 
deemed sufficient, let us see what will be the amount of daily pro- 
vision, and compare it with the experiments of Count Rumford. 



*« A bushel of Maize (in grain) will weigh - • 

^* And produces of meal 

^' A peck or fourth of a bushel, will therefore 

produce of meal ■ 

** This dvided into seven portions per day - 
** This will make of hasty-pudding - - - 



lb. 


oz. 


61 





45 


9 


11 


4 


1 


6 


4 


8 



** Count Rumford informs us that he dined upon one lib, 1-| oz. of 
this pudding, so that the negro's daily portion of corn would afford, 
if made into hasty-pudding, more than four meals equivalent to ou» 
author's dinner ; a quantity, which, according to this estimate, 
ought amply to supply the daily wants of a single person. 

'* It is not to be forgotten, however, that water properly combined 
with other substances has been proved to be eminently nutricious .; 
and that hasty-pudding has a larger proportion of water than can be 
produced by any other mode of preparation. The negro is compelled 
to turn his meal into dough, and to bake it without permitting fer- 
mentation, and as soon as it is made. By this mode the benefits of 
cookery are almost wholly lost. Suppose, hov/ever, that the hoe-cake 
retains as much air and moisture as well fermented bread. Meal, by 
fermentation and baking, is supposed to gain one third of its weight, 
«o that 1 lb. 6 oz. of meal will produce of hoe-cake, lib. 13 oz. 
which is about two ounces more than the product in hasty -pudding, of 
half a pound of meal. Hence it follows, that though the negro may 
famish and die upon his daily allowance made into boe-cake, the same 
portion made into hasty -pudding, might constitute an ample supply for 
two days. Hence we infer the great importance of cookery.'* 

J\fote M. 4. 
Extract from the Literary Review and Ameiican Reg- 
ister for October, 1803. Pao-e 30. 

CRITICISM ON, 

" A view of South Carolina^ as respects her natural and civil 
concerns, by John Dhayton. 

" After discussing, very fully, the agriculture of tjje state, the a\i- 
Ihor proceeds to make some few remarks on negro-slavery. On thi« 



i: 52 : 

delicate topic it is but justice to all parties to hear what a shrewd and 
candid judg-e has to say in defence of negro servitude. 

* In the pursuits of agriculture, slaves were introduced into this 
state : and importations from Africa soon supplied the planter with as 
many negroes as he was able to purchase. This gave a rapid increase 
to the settlement, and riches of the lower country ; when otherwise, its 
richest lands would not have been worth the cultivating. They conse- 
quently became a \'ested property in their respective owners, by the 
laws of the land ; and however paradoxical it may appear, their owners 
on obtaining their independence, and a right by the constitution and 
government of this state, and these United States, thence flowing, to 
he protected in their persons and property, had an indefesible right in them, 
without the reach of laws to alter, unless by their own consent, or by 
suitable compensation. Notwithstanding, however, this barrier, 
which has been, and will continue to be placed against any innova- 
tions respecting this property ; many are the efforts which are not on - 
ly tried individually, but collectively, to weaken this right of property ; 
and ultimately, to change its very nature. The impropriety appears 
greater ; as these attempts flow, not from our own citizens, Jbr they 
knovj their rights and interests better ; but from those of the Northern 
States ; who are less acquainted with them. With as much propriety 
might we request them to dismiss their horses from the plough ; as for 
us to dismiss these people from labom*. For in both cases, hmds of. excel- 
le^itvuality, ivhicb are cultivated by tliem, ivould revert to a state of nature. 
And with the same reason might they be asked to give the money out 
of their pockets, in order to equahze the situation of every person ; as 
the people of the southern states be requested to make changes in this 
property, which woidd materially aflect the fortunes they possess. And 
notwithstanding this impropriety, societies have intruded so far, as to 
send addresses to the different branches of our legislature ; recom- 
mending certain modes, which they deem most eligible for us to pursue 
in this respect; and all this for the good of the whole family of mankind ! 
The reception which these addresses have met with, renders any fur- 
ther comment on them unnecessary. This much however may be said 

that if it be an evil, it will sooner, or later, effect its own cure ; and 

if it be a sin, it is the happiness of those nuho are not engaged in it, to be 
safe from any of its future calamities. 

* Should we for a moment enquire, what is the situation of ne- 
groes in Africa ; we shall find them generally in a state of slavery ; 
liable to be sold for the luxury of their princes, or, as following the 
chances of war. Some few are stolen from their parents, and others 
we taken by deception and fraud. But the great mass which have 



r sz 1 

been broug-ht to South Carolina, only exchanged one slavery for anoth- 
er ; and that too, nxiith many advantages in favor of their present situa- 
tion in this country. There, they are subject to the uncontroled pleas- 
ure of* pruices ; and are sometimes even slaughtered for the ceremo- 
nies of their funerals. Neither Ufa nor property is secured to them. 
But force, oppression, and injustice, are the great eng-ines of their 
government, ^ere, laws are passed for their security and protection. 
They are worked by certain tasks, which are not unreasonable ; and 
when they are diligent in performing- them, they have some hours of 
the day to themselves. Hence they are encouraged to plant for their 
own emolument ; raise poultry for their own use, or for sale ; and are 
protected in the property which they thus acquire . With good mas- 
ters they are happy and conte\ited ; and instances are known, where 
they have declined an offered freedom. It is now prohibited by larj 
to work them more tlian certain hoiu's of the day, during different por- 
tions of the year ; and their owners are liable to a penalty, if they do 
not feed and clothe them in a suitable manner. Should they treat 
them cruelly, they are amenable to a court of justice for the same. If 
a slave be killed in the heat of passion, fifty pounds sterling \& forfeits 
ed to the *state : and if wilfully murdered, one hundred pounds ster- 
ling is forfeited in like manner by the person offending, and he is ren- 
dered forever incapable of holding, exercising, enjoying, or receiving 
the profits of any office, place, or emolument, civil or militaiy, within 
this state. And in case such person shall not be able to pay the said 
penalty, or forfeiture, he is liable to be sent to any frontier garrison of 
the state ; or to be committed to prison, or a work-house, for seven 
years ; and during that time be kept at hard labour. Their importa- 
tion has been prohibited since the year 1788 ; not, however, without 
struggles in our legislature, respecting it. But, nevertheless, num- 
bers of them have been introduced into this state, both by land and 
water ; and that smuggling, which Mr. Edf^ards, in his history of the 
West Indieai,sagaciously predicted would happen in such case, has ac- 
tually taken place in a great degree. f What the diiTerent importa- 
tions of negroes, into this state, from time to time, may be, is not in. 
my power to relate. But the census, which was taken of the poputaJ 
tionof this state in 1801, by direction of the federal government, gives 
as the number of them, about that time, amounting to 146,151 j since 

* What a poor defence is this, if it should appear that these laws are nev 
tr executed, these penalties never /.evied, these forfeitures never exacted ! 

t See Edivard's History of the West Indies, Ato. vol. II. page 115, 116. 
And also page 503, et. sea. of the appendix of the same volume. 



C 54 3 

which period, their numbers have no doubt increased, as well by birtttsu 
&% by «mug'gling'. 

* Had not this agricultural strength been furnished South Caroli- 
na, it is probable, in the scale of commerce and importance, she would 
have been numbered among the least respectable states of the union. 
At this mement, the extensive rice fields which are covered with grain, 
would presentnothing but deep swamps, and dreary forests ; inhabited 
by panthers, bears, wolves, and other wild beasts. Hence, the best 
lands of this state would have been rendered useless ; while the pine 
lands, from their barren natures, although they might maintain the far- 
mer, would have done Uttle towards raising the state to its present im- 
portance. At its first settlement, the fertile lands, in the upper coun- 
try, were not known ; or if they Were, surrounded by Indian nations, 
they offered no retreat to the calm exertions of the farmer ; where wars 
interrupted navigation, and unopened roads would arrest from him the 
profits of his industry. But, should it be asked, why the swamps and 
low lands in the lower country, cannot be cultivated by whites,| and with- 
out the labour of negroes ? I would answer, these situations are partic- 
ularly unhealthy, and unsuitable to the constitution of white persons : 
whilst that of a negro is perfectly adapted to its cultivatio7i. He can, un- 
covered, stand the sun's meridian heat ; and labour his appointed time, 
exposed to the continual steam, which arises from the rice grounds ; 
whilst a white person could barely support himself under the shade, 
surrounded by such a relaxing atmosphere. He can ivorkjor hours in 
•vnud and v}ater, (ivhicli he is obliged to do in the rice culture, in ditching and 
draining,) without injury to himself ; whilst to a white this kind of la- 
bour would be almost certain death. Should these observations be 
founded on fact, (which it is believed they are) they BvAYicitnXXy justify 
the present condition of this state, in the kind of property to which we 
immediately refer. And, while we lament the iniquitous passions, 
which originally introduced slavery into this state ; it is with satisfac- 
tion we can assert, that their condition is far ameliorated to what it for- 
merly was. They have their houses, their gardens, their fields, their 
dances, their holydays, and their feasts. And, as far as is consistent 
with our government, they enjoy privileges and protections, in some 
cases, superior to the poor whites of many nations ; and in others e- 
qual to the mildest slavery in any part of the world. It may be said, 
this is still slavery. True. But, as was observed, it is preferable 
to the condition of the peasanti'y of some countries. How many tracts 
■ of land are there on this globe, whose inhabitants cannot boast as much 
^ood ? How many thousands are there, who labour from morning until 
rriT;'ht, and from season to season, for at best a beggarly subsistence ; 
whose tenure depends on the will of a princ€, at once master of tlieir 



I S5 Z 

fortunes and liberties ? With them the father may in vain attempt t* 
raise up his son for his support and comfort ; but when the time a-^- 
rives, and with increasing years, he comes to useful manhood ; he i» 
torn from the presence of his parents, and tlie endearments of his rela- 
tions ; to swell the pageantry of a court — or to confound the libertieij 
•f his country. 

« This is what may be seen on the tlieatre of human life ; continu- 
ally chequered with good and evil, happiness and misery. The phi- 
lanthropist may seek perfection and happiness among the human race ; 
but he will never find it complete. The philosopher may plan new 
laws, and new systems of government ; which practice too often de- 
clares but the effervescence of fancy, and unequal to the end propo- 
sed. Nature, governed by unerring laws which command the oak to 
be stronger than the willow, the cypress to be taller than the shrub ; 
has at the same time imposed on mankind certain restrictions, which 
can never be overcome. She has made some to be poor, and others 
to be rich ; some to be happy and others to be miserable ; some to be 
slaves, and others to be free. The subjects, or people, on which these 
principles are enforced, may be changed by industry, intrigues, fac- 
tions or revolutions ; but the principles can never be altered ; they 
will shew themselves again, with the same force, on new subjects ; un-^ 
chang-eable in their natures, and constant in their effects. So woods 
may be cut down, and the lands on which they grow may be made to 
produce grains, which nature never planted there. But withhold the 
hand of cultivation ; and nature immediately causes weeds and plant* 
to spring up again ; and, in course of time, covers them, with her dark, 
retreats, and stately forests.' 

*' We have marked in Italics the passages in this extract, on; 
which the friend of negro liberty will be inclined to meditate. We 
should have been much better pleased with our author, if he had ad- 
mitted the iniquity of the traffic, and urged these considerations rather 
to account for and excuse, than to justify the practice. Had he insist- 
ed on the enormous evils which wowld accnie even to the blacks 
themselves, from general or partial emancipation, rather tlian on f,b« 
abstract right of the planters, to tlie persons of the blacks, as to the 
persons of their hogs and sheep, he would have gained a favour?b!« 
audience, even with the greatest enemies of slavery, and have takes 
tlie strongest gi'ound even with its friends .**^ 

Mte M. 5. 
Extract from an Address on the subject of abclish'mg ne- 
gro slavery, in the United States of America, dated^ Philadcl- 



C 5^ 3 

phia, January 13, 1804. Signed Matthew Franklin, Prf«?'* 
de7it, Othniel Alsop, Secretary. 

" TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 
Fellonv Citizens^ 

Thr American Convention for promoting the abolition of Slave- 
ry and improving the condition of the African race, assembled for th« 
purpose of deliberation upon such matters as relate to tlie design of 
their institution, believe it their duty to address you at this time ; not 
5vith a view to descant on the horrours of slaveiy, or its incompatibil- 
Itj^'tvith soimd policy, with justice, with morality, and with the spirit 
and doctrines of Christianity ; for besides that, the circumscribed na- 
ture of such an address^ necessarily precludes lengthy animadversion, 
these are topics which have been so repeatedly and ably discussed, as 
to leave little room for additional argument or new illustration. The 
feelings and the judgment have been often addressed with all the 
strengtli of reason and the powers of eloquence, and although preju- 
dice may blind tlie eyes of some, and avarice close the avenues of sen- 
sibility in others, we derive consolation from the assurance, that the 
wise and the good, the liberal and the considerate of all classes of the 
community, lament the existence of slavery, and consider it as a dark 
stain in the annals of our country. We do not even hesitate to believe 
that many who hold slaves by demise, acknowledge the injustice of the 
tenure ; but perplexed in the contemplation of the embarrasment in 
which they find themselves, are ready to exclaim, << M-hat shall we Ho 
with thern ?" We would willingly include these among the number of 
our friends, and entreat them to unite in the removal of an evil so just- 
ly and almost universally deplored. 

*« A principal object of our concern, is, to rouse the attention of 
the public to the continued— may we not say increasing necessity of 
exertion. We fear many have taken up an jidea, that there is less oc- 
casion now than formerly, for active zeal in prompting the causf of the 
oppressed African : but when it is remembered that there are about 
nine hundred thousand slaves in our country ! that hundreds of vessels 
do annually sail from our shores to traffic in the blood of our fellow- 
men ! and that the abominable practice of kidnapping is carried on to 
an alarming extent ! surely it will not be tlioUght a time for supine- 
ness and neglect. Ought not rather every faculty of the mind to be 
awakened ? And in a matter wherein the reputation and prosperity of 
these United States are so deeply involved, is it possible any can re- 
inain, as indifferent and idle spectators ? 



Z 57 1 

The gross and violent outrages committed by a horde of kidnap- 
pers call aloud for redress. We have reason to believe ilicre is a 
complete chain of them along our sea coast, from Georgia to Maine. 
For the victims of this shocking business, they find a ready maiket 
among the southern planters. 

To complain of injustice, or petition for redress of grievance, caTi- 
not be mistaken for rebellion against the laws of our country. We 
lament, therefore, the existence of statutes in the State of North 
Carolina, prohibiting individuals the privilege of doing j^istiVe to the 
unfortunate Slave, and to their own feelings, by setting him at liber- 
ty ; and we learn with the deepest regret, that the State of South 
Carolina has recently repealed the law prohibiting the impcr^aticn of 
slaves into that State? Such appears to be the melancholy fact ; but 
we cannot restrain the involuntary question — Is this possible ? Is the 
measure of iniquity not yet filled ? Is there no point at which you 
will stop ? Or was it necessary to add th's one step to the climax of 
folly, cruelty and desperation ? Oh, Legislators ! we beseech you to 
reflect, before you increase the evils which surround you in gloomy 
and frightful perspective I 

Beholding with anxiety the increase rather than the diminution 
of Slavery and its dreadful concomitants, we earnestly request the 
zealous co-operation of every friend to justice and every lover of his 
country. It is an honorable, a virtuous, and a humane cause in 
which we have embarked. Much good has already been effected, 
but much remains to be done ; and under the divine blessing, may 
we not confidently hope, that, in proportion to the sincerity of our 
motives, and the temperate, firm and persevering constancy of our 
exertions, will be our success and peaceful reward ? Those who 
live contiguous to the sea-ports, in particular, we wish may be stimu- 
lated to vigilence, that none of those shameful acts ot atrocity adver- 
ted to, may elude deserved piinishment : and our fellow citizens of 
the Eastern States arerespectfiiUy invited to pay attention to the clan- 
destine traffic in slaves' carried on from some of their ports. Such dar- 
ing infractions of the laws of our country require prompt and decisive 
measures. 

Many assertions have been cast upon th e advocates of the freedom 
of the Blacks, by mahcious or interested men ; but conscious of the 
rectitude of our intentions and the oisinterestedness of our endeav- 
ours, we hope not to be intimidated by censure from performing the 
part assigned us. We frankly ow-n that it is our V'ish to promote a 

H 



, t 58 ] • 

general emancipation ; and, in doing this, it is our belief that we es» 
sentially promote the true interests of the state. Although many in- 
conveniences may result from a general liberation of the people of 
colour ; yet those which flow from their continuance in slavery must 
be infinitely greater, and are everyday increasing. It is, therefore, 
in our estimation, desirable that this object should be brought about 
with as much speed as a prudent regatrd to existing circumstances 
and the safety of the country will admit. But in all our endeavours 
for its accomplishment, we hope to move with care and circumspec- 
tion. We pointedly disavow the most distant intention to contravene 
any existing law of the states collectively or separately. — We Will not 
knowingly infringe upon the nominal rights of property, although 
those rights may only be traced to om* statute books ; and while we 
desire to be supported in our endeavours to defend the cause of the 
oppressed, we hope that discretion and moderation will characterize 
all our proceedings. We feel with others the common frailties of hu- 
manity, and, therefore, cannot expect a^ exemption from errour. The 
best intentions are sometimes inadvertently led astray ; a lively 
zeal in a good cause may occasionallv overleap the bounds of discre- 
tion : although, therefore, individuals may in sojne instances have suf- 
fered their zeal to exceed knowledge ; yet we repeat that the line of 
conduct wliich we approve and which is consonant with the spirit and 
design of our institutions, is in strict conformity with a due submission 
to existing laws and to the legal claims of our fellow citizens. On this 
ground we think we have a just claim to the countenance and support 
of all liberal minds — of all who delight in the real prosperity of theiV 
country and in the multiplication of human happiness. 

We conclude in the expression of a hope, that the Supreme Dis. 
poser of events will prosper our labours in this work of justice ; and 
hasten the day when liberty shall be proclaimed to tlie captive, and 
tliis land of boasted freedom and independence be relieved from the 
opprobrium which the sufFermgs of tlie oppressed Africans now cast 
upon it. 

Mote J\fo. 6. 
If the reader wishes to trace the progress of reflection in 
the untutored mind of an African, by which he is sometimes 
induced to prefer death to slavery, let him peruse the elegant 
stanzas of Roscoe. 

« From the thicket the man-hunter sprung. 

My eyes echoed loud thro' the air ; 
There was fury and wrath on his tongue, 

He was d§af to the cries of despair. 



C 59 3 

Accurst be the merciless band 

That his love could from Marraton tear ; 
And blasted this impotent hand. 

That was sever'd from all I held dear 1 

Flow, ye tears ; down my cheeks ever flow ! 

Still let sleep from my eye-lids depart ! 
And still may the arrows of woe 

Drink deep of the streams of my heart ! 
But, hark ! — on the silence of night. 

My Addela's accents I hear ; 
And mournful beneath the wan light, 

I see her lov*d image appear. 

/Now sinking amid the dim ray, 

Her form seems to fade on my view j 
O, stay thee ! my Addela, stay ! 

She beckons and I must pursue.— 
To-morrow the white-man in vain 

Shall proudly account me his slave ; 
My shackles I plunge in the main. 

And rush to the realms of the brave." 

Other poets have expressed their feelings in the follow* 
ing strains. 

From Guinea's coast pursue the lessening sail. 

And catch the sounds that sadden every gale. 

Tell, if thou canst, the sum of sorrows there ; 

Mark the fixt gaze, the wild and frenzied glare. 

The rack of thought and freezmgs of despair ! 

But pause not then — beyond the westem'wave. 

Go, view the captive bartered as a slave ! 

Crush'd till his high heroic spirit bleeds. 

And from liis nerveless frame in<^gnantly recedes. Rogers, 

Note M. 7. 

Richmond, June 13, 1804. 

'* On Monday evening last, a negro girl about 12 years of age, waf 
found dead in the house of a person who resides in tliis city.' An in- 
quest was held on the body of the deceased, and the verdict says, 
that her death w^s probably occasioned by the shameful chastisement 
which she had received. — We are informed, that the sight of the 
gashes produced by the whip, on the body of this unfortunate daugh- 
ter of Africa, excited mingled emotions of detestation and horroiur. 
The master of the house was taken on a warrant, the next morning, 
and examined before one of the city magistrates. — The evidence ad« 
duced on this occasion, was deemed insufficient to convict hixn of tt« 
crime ; and he remains for trial \xp!ai the day of judgment. 



!•■■ 



*' It is, on one hand, a duty mcuinbent on slaves to be obedient to 
their masters, wliile on the other it is the duty of masters to re- 
member mercy. A man who can inflict punishment, being- his own 
judg-e, and that in a degree sufficient to deprive a human being of hfe, 
must not only be one of the most detestable of all tyrants, but the 
most miserable of all human beings that exist upon earth.'* 

Oh ! ye, who at your ease 
Sip the blood-sweetened beverage '. thoughts like these 
Haply ye scorn. I thank thee, gracious God ! 
That I do feel upon my cheek the glow 
Of indignation, when beneath the rod 
A sable brother WTiths in silent woe. SouthbV. 

Hear him ! ye Senators ! hear this truth sublime. 

He who allows oppression, shares the crime. Darwi^t 

Yes, in that generous cause, forever strong. 
The patriot's virtue, and the poet's song. 
Still, as the tide of ages rolls away, 
Shall charm the world, unconscious of decay. 

Yes, there are hearts, prophetic hope may trust, 
That slumber yet in uncreated dust. 
Ordained to fire th* adoring sons of earth, 
With every charm of wisdom and of worth. 

And say, Supernal Powers ! v.^ho deeply scan 
Heav'n's dark decrees, unfathom'd yet by man ; 
"When shall the world call down, to cleanse her shame. 
That embryo spirit, yet without a name — 
That friend of nature, whose avenging hands, 
Shall burst the Lybian's adamantine bands ? Campbell. 

And sure, since Heav'n is just, the western skies 
Shall see, ere long, some Sparticus arise. 
To bid our slaves the christians' yoke disown. 
And seize the land they labour, as their own. 
Behold, the hero bursts oppression's bands. 
The blood of ruffian's reeking on his hands ! 
Hark ! how he echoes Freedom's honour'd name. 
And boasts how vict'ry vindicates his claim ! 
See, round their chief the jetty nation throngs ! 
What horrid vengeance answers all their wrongs ! 
Extermination steeps the trembling shore— 
Europa's robbers lift the lash no more ; 
Vindictive justice sweeps the race away ; 
Our toil of aged perish'd in a day. 

Lord Gard£nsto£t's imitation of Horace, LiB. 1. Ode 3. 



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